In 1592 an English privateer attacked the Portuguese off the southwestern port of Galle. This action was England's first
recorded contact with Sri Lanka. A decade later, Ralph Fitch, traveling from India, became the first known English visitor
to Sri Lanka. The English did not record their first in-depth impressions of the island until the mid-seventeenth century,
when Robert Knox, a sailor, was captured when his ship docked for repairs near Trincomalee. The Kandyans kept him prisoner
between 1660 and 1680. After his escape, Knox wrote a popular book entitled An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon
in which he described his years among his "decadent" captors.
By the mid-eighteenth century, it was apparent that the Mughal Empire (1526-1757) in India faced imminent collapse, and
the major European powers were positioning themselves to fill the power vacuum in the subcontinent. Dutch holdings on Sri
Lanka were challenged in time by the British, who had an interest in the excellent harbor at Trincomalee. The British interest
in procuring an all-weather port was whetted when they almost lost the Indian port of Madras to the French in 1758. The Dutch
refused to grant the British permission to dock ships at Trincomalee (after The Netherlands's decision to support the French
in the American War of Independence), goading the British into action. After skirmishing with both the Dutch and French, the
British took Trincomalee in 1796 and proceeded to expel the Dutch from the island.
The British Replace the Dutch
In 1766 the Dutch had forced the Kandyans to sign a treaty, which the Kandyans later considered so harsh that they immediately
began searching for foreign assistance in expelling their foes. They approached the British in 1762, 1782, and 1795. The first
Kandyan missions failed, but in 1795, British emissaries offered a draft treaty that would extend military aid in return for
control of the seacoast and a monopoly of the cinnamon trade. The Kandyan king unsuccessfully sought better terms, and the
British managed to oust the Dutch without significant help in 1796.
The Kandyans' search for foreign assistance against the Dutch was a mistake because they simply replaced a relatively weak
master with a powerful one. Britain was emerging as the unchallenged leader in the new age of the Industrial Revolution, a
time of technological invention, economic innovations, and imperialist expansion. The nations that had launched the first
phase of European imperialism in Asia--the Portuguese and the Dutch--had already exhausted themselves.
While peace negotiations were under way in Europe in 1796, the British assumed Sri Lanka would eventually be restored to
the Dutch. By 1797 however, London had decided to retain the island as a British possession. The government compelled the
British East India Company to share in the administration of the island and guaranteed the company a monopoly of trade, especially
the moderately profitable--but no longer robust--cinnamon trade. The governor of the island was responsible for law and order,
but financial and commercial matters were under the control of the director of the East India Company. This system of "dual
control" lasted from 1798 to 1802. After the Dutch formally ceded the island to the British in the 1801 Peace of Amiens, Sri
Lanka became Britain's first crown colony. Following Lord Nelson's naval victory over the French at Trafalgar in 1805, British
superiority on the seas was unchallenged and provided new security for the British colonies in Asia.
Once the British had established themselves in Sri Lanka, they aggressively expanded their territorial possessions by a
combination of annexation and intervention, a policy that paralleled the approach pursued by Lord Wellesley in India in the
early nineteenth century. This strategy directly threatened the continued existence of the Kingdom of Kandy. Unrest at the
Kandyan court between a ruling dynasty of alien, southern Indian antecedents and powerful, indigenous Sinhalese chieftains
provided opportunities for British interference. The intrigue of the king's chief minister precipitated the first Kandyan
war (1803). With the minister's knowledge, a British force marched on Kandy, but the force was ill prepared for such an ambitious
venture and its leaders were misinformed of the extent of the king's unpopularity. The British expedition was at first successful,
but on the return march, it was plagued by disease, and the garrison left behind was decimated. During the next decade, no
concerted attempt was made to take Kandy. But in 1815 the British had another opportunity. The king had antagonized local
Sinhalese chiefs and further alienated the Sinhalese people by actions against Buddhist monks and temple property. In 1815,
the Kandyan rebels invited the British to intervene. The governor quickly responded by sending a well-prepared force to Kandy;
the king fled with hardly a shot fired.
Kandyan headmen and the British signed a treaty known as the Kandyan Convention in March 1815. The treaty decreed that
the Kandyan provinces be brought under British sovereignty and that all the traditional privileges of the chiefs be maintained.
The Kingdom of Kandy was also to be governed according to its customary Buddhist laws and institutions but would be under
the administration of a British "resident" at Kandy, who would, in all but name, take the place of the monarch.
In general, the old system was allowed to continue, but its future was bleak because of the great incongruity between the
principles on which the British administration was based and the principles of the Kandyan hierarchy. Because the changes
under the treaty tended to diminish the power and influence of the chiefs, the British introduced the new procedures with
great caution. The monks, in particular, resented the virtual disappearance of the monarchy, which was their traditional source
of support. They also resented the monarchy's replacement by a foreign and impartial government. Troubled by the corresponding
decline in their status, the monks began to stir up political and religious discontent among the Kandyans almost immediately
following the British annexation. The popular and widespread rebellion that followed was suppressed with great severity. When
hostilities ended in 1818, the British issued a proclamation that brought the Kandyan provinces under closer control. British
agents usurped the powers and privileges of the chiefs and became the arbitrators of provincial authority. Finally, the British
reduced the institutional privileges accorded Buddhism, in effect placing the religion on an equal footing with other religions.
With the final British consolidation over Kandy, the country fell under the control of a single power--for the first time
since the twelfth-century rule of Parakramabahu I and Nissankamalla.
The Colebrooke-Cameron Reforms
In 1829 the British Colonial Office sent a Royal Commission of Eastern Inquiry--the Colebrooke-Cameron Commission--to assess
the administration of the island. The legal and economic proposals made by the commission in 1833 were innovative and radical.
The proposed reforms opposed mercantilism, state monopolies, discriminatory administrative regulations, and, in general, any
interference in the economy. Many of the proposals were adopted and helped set a pattern of administrative, economic, judicial,
and educational development that continued into the next century.
The commission worked to end the protested administrative division of the country along ethnic and cultural lines into
lowcountry Sinhalese, Kandyan Sinhalese, and Tamil areas. The commission proposed instead that the country be put under one
uniform administrative system, which was to be divided into five provinces. Colebrooke believed that in the past, separate
administrative systems had encouraged social and cultural divisions, and that the first step toward the creation of a modern
nation was the administrative unification of the country. Cameron applied the same principle to the judicial system, which
he proposed be unified into one system and be extended to all classes of people, offering everyone equal rights in the eyes
of the law. His recommendations were adopted and enforced under the Charter of Justice in 1833.
The commissioners also favored the decentralization of executive power in the government. They stripped away many of the
autocratic powers vested in the governor, replacing his advisory council with an Executive Council, which included both official
and unofficial nominees. The Executive Council appointed the members of the Legislative Council, which functioned as a forum
for discussion of legislative matters. The Legislative Council placed special emphasis on Sri Lankan membership, and in 1833
three of the fifteen members were Sri Lankans. The governor nominated them to represent low-country Sinhalese, Burghers, and
Tamils, respectively. The commissioners also voted to change the exclusively British character of the administrative services
and recommended that the civil service include local citizens. These proposed constitutional reforms were revolutionary--far
more liberal than the legal systems of any other European colony.
The opening of the Ceylon Civil Service to Sri Lankans required that a new emphasis be placed on English education. In
time, the opening contributed to the creation of a Westernized elite, whose members would spearhead the drive for independence
in the twentieth century. The Colebrooke-Cameron Commission emphasized the standardization of educational curriculum and advocated
the substitution of English for local languages. Local English schools were established, and the missionary schools that had
previously taught in the vernacular also adopted English.
The Colebrooke-Cameron reforms had an immediate impact on the economic development of the island. Many features of the
economic structure the reforms helped put into place still exist. The commission advocated a laissez-faire economy. To encourage
free trade, the government monopolies over cinnamon cultivation and trade were abolished. Traditional institutions, such as
land tenure by accommodessan (the granting of land for cultivation, as opposed to its outright sale), was abolished,
as was the rajakariya system. Rajakariya was opposed not only on moral grounds but also because it slowed
the growth of private enterprise, impeded the creation of a land market, and interfered with the free movement of labor.
In the mid-1830s, the British began to experiment with a variety of plantation crops in Sri Lanka, using many of the technological
innovations developed earlier from their experience in Jamaica. Within fifteen years, one of these crops, coffee, became so
successful that it transformed the island's economy from reliance upon subsistence crops to plantation agriculture. The first
coffee plantation was opened in the Kandyan hill region in 1827, but it was not until the mid-1830s that a number of favorable
factors combined to make the widespread cultivation of the crop a highly profitable enterprise. Governor Edward Barnes (1824-31)
foresaw the possibilities of coffee cultivation and introduced various incentives for its cultivation, particularly the lifting
of coffee export duties and exemption from the land produce tax. When slavery was abolished in the West Indies and coffee
production there declined, Sri Lankan coffee exports soared, filling the gap in the world market. The problem of limited availability
of land for coffee estates was solved when the British government sold lands that it had acquired from the Kandyan kings.
The coffee plantation system faced a serious labor shortage. Among the Sinhalese, a peasant cultivator of paddy land held
a much higher status than a landless laborer. In addition, the low wages paid to hired workers failed to attract the Kandyan
peasant, and the peak season for harvesting plantation coffee usually coincided with the peasant's own harvest. Moreover,
population pressure and underemployment were not acute until the twentieth century. To compensate for this scarcity of native
workers, an inexpensive and almost inexhaustible supply of labor was found among the Tamils in southern India. They were recruited
for the coffee-harvesting season and migrated to and from Sri Lanka, often amid great hardships. The immigration of these
Indian Tamils began as a trickle in the 1830s and became a regular flow a decade later, when the government of India removed
all restrictions on the migration of labor to Sri Lanka.
British civilian and military officials resident in Kandy provided initial capital for coffee cultivation, provoking contemporary
observations in the 1840s that they behaved more like coffee planters than government employees. This private capitalization
led to serious abuses, however, culminating in an 1840 ordinance that made it virtually impossible for a Kandyan peasant to
prove that his land was not truly crown land and thus subject to expropriation and resale to coffee interests. In this period,
more than 80,000 hectares of Kandyan land were appropriated and sold as crown lands.
Between 1830 and 1850, coffee held the preeminent place in the economy and became a catalyst for the island's modernization.
The greater availability of capital and the increase in export trade brought the rudiments of capitalist organization to the
country. The Ceylon Bank opened in 1841 to finance the rapid expansion of coffee plantations. Since the main center of coffee
production was in the Kandyan provinces, the expansion of coffee and the network of roads and railroads ended the isolation
of the old Kandyan kingdom. The coffee plantation system had served as the economic foundation for the unification of the
island while reinforcing the administrative and judicial reforms of the Colebrooke-Cameron Commission.
The plantation system dominated the economy in Sri Lanka to such an extent that one observer described the government as
an "appendage of the estates (plantations)." Worldwide depression in 1846 temporarily checked the rapid development of the
plantation system. Falling coffee prices caused financial disruption, aggravating the friction that had been developing between
the static traditional feudal economy and modernized commercial agriculture. In order to make up for lost revenue, the government
imposed a series of new taxes on firearms, dogs, shops, boats, carriages, and bullock carts. All of these taxes affected Sinhalese
farmers. Other measures that further alienated the Kandyans included a land tax and a road ordinance in 1848 that reintroduced
a form of rajakariya by requiring six days' free labor on roads or the payment of a cash equivalent. But the measure
that most antagonized the Kandyans (especially those associated with the Buddhist sangha) was the alienation of temple
lands for coffee plantations.
British troops so severely repressed a rebellion that broke out among the Kandyans in 1848 that the House of Commons in
London commissioned an investigation to look into the matter. The governor and his chief secretary were subsequently dismissed,
and all new taxes, except the road ordinance, were repealed. The government adopted a new policy toward Buddhism after the
rebellion, recognizing the importance of Buddhist monks as leaders of Kandyan public opinion.
The plantation era transformed the island's economy. This was most evident in the growth of the export sector at the expense
of the traditional agricultural sector. The colonial predilection for growing commercial instead of subsistence crops later
was considered by Sri Lankan nationalists to be one of the unfortunate legacies of European domination. Late nineteenth- century
official documents that recorded famines and chronic rural poverty support the nationalists' argument. Other issues, notably
the British policy of selling state land to planters for conversion into plantations, are equally controversial, even though
some members of the indigenous population participated in all stages of plantation agriculture. Sri Lankans, for example,
controlled over one-third of the area under coffee cultivation and most of the land in coconut production. They also owned
significant interests in rubber.
In 1869 a devastating leaf disease--hemleia vastratrix struck the coffee plantations and spread quickly throughout
the plantation district, destroying the coffee industry within fifteen years. Planters desperately searched for a substitute
crop. One crop that showed promise was chinchona (quinine). After an initial appearance of success, however, the
market price of the crop fell and never fully recovered. Cinnamon, which had suffered a setback in the beginning of the century,
was revived at this time, but only to become an important minor crop.
Among all of the crops experimented with during the decline of coffee, only tea showed any real promise of success. A decline
in the demand for Chinese tea in Britain opened up possibilities for Indian tea, especially the fine variety indigenous to
Assam. Climatic conditions for the cultivation of tea were excellent in Sri Lanka, especially in the hill country. By the
end of the century, tea production on the island had risen enormously. Because of the inelasticity of the market, however,
British outlets soon became saturated. Attempts to develop other markets, especially in the United States, were largely unsuccessful,
and a glut emerged after World War II.
The tea estates needed a completely different type of labor force than had been required during the coffee era. Tea was
harvested throughout the year and required a permanent labor force. Waves of Indian Tamil immigrants settled on the estates
and eventually became a large and permanent underclass that endured abominable working conditions and squalid housing. The
census of 1911 recorded the number of Indian laborers in Sri Lanka at about 500,000--about 12 percent of the island's total
population. In the 1980s, the Indian Tamils made up almost 6 percent of the island's population .
The Tamil laborers emigrated to Sri Lanka from India not as individuals but as part of family units or groups of interrelated
families. Thus, they tended to maintain their native cultural patterns on the estates where they settled. Although the Indian
Tamils spoke the same language as the Sri Lankan Tamils, were Hindus, and traced their cultural origins to southern India,
they considered themselves to be culturally distinct from the Sri Lankan Tamils. Their distinctiveness as a group and their
cultural differences from the Sinhalese and the Sri Lankan Tamils were recognized in the constitutional reforms of 1924, when
two members of the Indian Tamil community were nominated to the Legislative Council.
As the nineteenth century drew to a close, experimentation in crop diversification, on a moderate level in the years before
the collapse of the coffee market, became of greater importance. Responding to international market trends, planters attempted
to diversify the crops they produced to insulate their revenues from world price fluctuations. Not all their experiments were
successful. The first sugar plantation was established in 1837, but sugar cultivation was not well-suited to the island and
has never been very successful. Cocoa was also tried for a time and has continued as one of the lesser exports. Rubber, which
was introduced in 1837, became a major export during the slump in the tea export market in the 1900s. The rubber export trade
exceeded that of tea during World War I. But after suffering severe losses during the depression of the 1930s, rubber exports
never again regained their preeminent position.
Rise of the Sri Lankan Middle Class
By the nineteenth century, a new society was emerging--a product of East and West. It was a society with strict rules separating
the rulers from the ruled, and most social association between the British and Sri Lankans was taboo. The British community
was largely a microcosm of English society with all its class divisions. At the top of the social pyramid were the British
officials of the Ceylon Civil Service. Elaborate social conventions regulated the conduct of the service's members and served
to distinguish them as an exclusive caste. This situation, however, changed slowly in the latter part of the nineteenth century
and quite rapidly in the next century.
In Sri Lanka as in India, the British created an educated class to provide administrative and professional services in
the colony. By the late nineteenth century, most members of this emerging class were associated directly or indirectly with
the government. Increased Sri Lankan participation in government affairs demanded the creation of a legal profession; the
need for state health services required a corps of medical professionals; and the spread of education provided an impetus
to develop the teaching profession. In addition, the expansion of commercial plantations created a legion of new trades and
occupations: landowners, planters, transport agents, contractors, and businessmen. Certain Sinhalese caste groups, such as
the fishermen (Karava) and cinnamon peelers (Salagama), benefited from the emerging new economic order, to the detriment of
the traditional ruling cultivators (Goyigama).
The development of a capitalist economy forced the traditional elite--the chiefs and headmen among the low-country Sinhalese
and the Kandyan aristocracy--to compete with new groups for the favors of the British. These upwardly mobile, primarily urban,
professionals formed a new class that transcended divisions of race and caste. This class, particularly its uppermost strata,
was steeped in Western culture and ideology. This anglicized elite generally had conservative political leanings, was loyal
to the government, and resembled the British so much in outlook and social customs that its members were sometimes called
brown sahibs. At the apex of this new class was a handful of Sri Lankans who had been able to join the exclusive ranks of
the civil service in the nineteenth century. The first Sri Lankan entered by competitive examination in 1840. At that time,
entrance examinations were held only in London and required an English education, so only a few members of the native middle
class could aspire to such an elitist career. Consequently, in spite of the liberal policies that Colebrooke and Cameron recommended,
the British held virtually all high posts in the colonial administration.
The rediscovery of old Buddhist texts rekindled a popular interest in Sri Lanka's ancient civilization. The study of the
past became an important aspect of the new drive for education. Archaeologists began work at Anuradhapura and at Polonnaruwa,
and their finds contributed to the resurgent national pride. In the 1880s, a Buddhist-inspired temperance movement was also
initiated to fight drunkenness, and the Ceylon Social Reform Society was founded in 1905 to combat other temptations associated
with Westernization. Encouraged by the free reign of expression that the government extended to these reformists, a growing
number of communal and regional political associations began to press for constitutional reform in the closing years of the
nineteenth century. The colonial government was petitioned for permission to have Sri Lankan representation in the Executive
Council and expanded regional representation in the Legislative Council. In response, the colonial government permitted a
modest experiment in 1910, allowing a small electorate of Sri Lankans to send one of their members to the Legislative Council.
Other seats held by Sri Lankans retained the old practice of communal representation.
World War I
World War I had only a minimal military impact on Sri Lanka, which entered the war as part of the British Empire. The closest
fighting took place in the Bay of Bengal, where an Australian warship sank a German cruiser. But the war had an important
influence on the growth of nationalism. The Allies' wartime propaganda extolled the virtues of freedom and self-determination
of nations, and the message was heard and duly noted by Sri Lankan nationalists. There was, however, an event, only indirectly
related to the war, that served as the immediate spark for the growth of nationalism. In 1915 communal rioting broke out between
the Sinhalese and Muslims on the west coast. The British panicked, misconstruing the disturbances as part of an antigovernment
conspiracy; they blamed the majority ethnic group and indiscriminately arrested many Sinhalese, including D.S. Senanayake--the
future first prime minister of Sri Lanka--who had actually tried to use his influence to curb the riots. The British put down
the unrest with excessive zeal and brutality, which shocked British and Sri Lankan observers alike. Some sympathetic accounts
of the unrest take into consideration that the judgment of the governor of the time, Sir Robert Chalmers (1913-16), may have
been clouded by the loss of his two sons on the Western Front in Europe. At any rate, his actions insured that 1915 was a
turning point in the nationalist movement. From then on, activists mobilized for coordinated action against the British.
The nationalist movement in India served as a model to nationalists in Sri Lanka. In 1917 the Indian National Congress
and the Muslim League mended their differences and issued a joint declaration for the "progressive realization" of responsible
government in India. Nationalists in Sri Lanka learned from their Indian counterparts that they had to become more national
and less partisan in their push for constitutional reform. In 1919 the major Sinhalese and Tamil political organizations united
to form the Ceylon National Congress. One of the first actions of the congress was to submit a proposal for a new constitution
that would increase local control over the Executive Council and the budget. These demands were not met, but they led to the
promulgation of a new constitution in 1920. Amendments to the constitution in 1924 increased Sri Lankan representation. Although
the nationalists' demand for representation in the Executive Council was not granted, the Legislative Council was expanded
to include a majority of elected Sri Lankan unofficial members, bringing the island closer to representative government. Yet
the franchise remained restrictive and included only about 4 percent of the island's population.
World War II and the Transition to Independence
When Singapore fell to the Japanese in February 1942, Sri Lanka became a central base for British operations in Southeast
Asia, and the port at Trincomalee recaptured its historically strategic importance. Because Sri Lanka was an indispensable
strategic bastion for the British Royal Navy, it was an irresistible military target for the Japanese. For a time, it seemed
that Japan planned a sweeping westward offensive across the Indian Ocean to take Sri Lanka, sever the Allies' lifeline to
Persian Gulf oil, and link up with the Axis powers in Egypt. Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto, mastermind of the raid on Pearl Harbor,
ordered Vice Admiral Chuichi Nagumo to command a large armada to seek and destroy the British Eastern Fleet in the Indian
Ocean. The two nations' fleets played a game of hide-and-seek, but never met. Some military historians assert that if they
had met, the smaller British fleet would have met with disaster. The British instead fought several desperate air battles
over Colombo and Trincomalee and lost about thirty-six aircraft and several ships.
Yamamoto's grand strategy failed to isolate and destroy any major units of the British fleet. But if the Japanese had persisted
with their offensive, the island, with its limited British naval defenses, probably would have fallen. The Japanese carrier
force, however, suffered such high aircraft losses over Sri Lanka--more than 100 warplanes--that it returned to Japan for
refitting rather than press the attack. By returning to Japan, the force lost its opportunity for unchallenged supremacy of
the Indian Ocean. The focus of the war in this theater then shifted away from the island.
On the whole, Sri Lanka benefited from its role in World War II. The plantation sector was busy meeting the urgent demands
of the Allies for essential products, especially rubber, enabling the country to save a surplus in hard currency. Because
Sri Lanka was the seat of the Southeast Asia Command, a broad infrastructure of health services and modern amenities was built
to accommodate the large number of troops posted into all parts of the country. The inherited infrastructure improved the
standard of living in postwar, independent Sri Lanka.
Unlike India, where nationalists demanded a guarantee of independence as recompense for their support in the war effort,
Sri Lanka committed itself wholeheartedly to the Allied war effort. Although the island was put under military jurisdiction
during the war, the British and the Sri Lankans maintained cooperative relations. Sri Lankan pressure for political reform
continued during the war, however, and increased as the Japanese threat receded and the war neared its end. The British eventually
promised full participatory government after the war.
In July 1944, Lord Soulbury was appointed head of a commission charged with the task of examining a new constitutional
draft that the Sri Lankan ministers had proposed. The commission made recommendations that led to a new constitution. As the
end of the war approached, the constitution was amended to incorporate a provision giving Sri Lanka dominion status.
British constitutional principles served as a model for the Soulbury Constitution of independent Sri Lanka, which combined
a parliamentary system with a bicameral legislature. Members of the first House of Representatives were directly elected by
popular vote. Members of the Senate, or upper house, were elected partly by members of the House and partly by the governor
general, who was primarily a figurehead. The British monarch appointed the governor general on the advice of the most powerful
person in the Sri Lankan government--the prime minister